Madrasah Education: An Observation - 9 | Articles on Education of Bangladesh | Uncatagorized

MUZIB MEHDY

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Social and Political Standpoint of Madrasah Students, Teachers and Patrons
In terms of economic activities and political objectives, roughly three political streams can be identified in Bangladesh – (a) Rightwing capitalist politics, (b) Leftwing socialist politics and (c) Religion based backward looking politics. The two mainstream types of politics are primarily controlled by people educated in the mainstream educational system, while the third stream of politics, the religion based reactionary politics, relies on Madrasah educated individuals for its existence. These people are the policy makers, leaders and workers in this type of politics.

Religion based politics gained a foothold in this land mainly during the Partition of India. It was during the Pakistani rule that this stream of politics was further strengthened. With the inclusion of Secularism in the constitution of the newly formed Bangladesh following the 1971 Liberation War, the prospects for development of religion based politics was almost non-existent. Through the Liberation War, the Bengali nation had moved towards a secular, non-communal and non-discriminatory mode of life. It was one of the outcomes of the War that the Constitution of 1972 renounced discrimination based on religion, caste, gender as well as avowing equal rights to men and women in all walks of life. However, the practice and spread of this idealism was halted with the change in the political scenario in 1975, with the rise of the reactionary forces. This change facilitated the reawakening of religion based politics.

With the assassination of President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his family in 1975, the rule of democratic government in Bangladesh came to an end. During this period, under the control of Khondokar Mushtaq, it was even attempted to change the constitutional title of Bangladesh from the People’s Republic to Islamic Republic. Through the Political Parties Act promulgated in August 1976, the religion based political parties, which had been proscribed in 1972, reemerged as political players. It should be mentioned that the changes made to the foreign policy of Bangladesh in 1973-74 indicated a shift towards state support of Islamic activities. This period was a critical time for the national economy. To survive beyond the crisis as well as to move towards development, it had become necessary for the Mujib government to improve relationships with Islamic nations hoping for aid in the form of the Middle East petrodollar. In addition to the fact that it was important for a newly formed nation to obtain as many friendly nations as it could, it was also important to counter the one sided propaganda that Pakistan had been purveying in the community of Islamic nations. A number of decisions made during that period, including Sheikh Mujib’s participation in the OIC Conference in Lahore, Pakistan, the reestablishment of the Islamic Foundation in 1975 (it had been banned in 1972) was prompted by the realities of the world economy as well as by strength of the petrodollar at that time¹.

The stream of petrodollars arriving from the Middle East gradually increased with the rule of each successive government and is being utilized in patronizing religious politics, Islamic education, Madrasah education, religious fundamentalism, extremist religious groups. These are all interconnected. The spread of Madrasah education results in creating leaders and workers for the religious political parties as well as the practice of religious fundamentalism in society. It is to retain this religious fundamentalism that the “religion peddlers” need to resort to violence as well as other destructive measures.

The strength gathered by the religious political faction in the post-1982 period is much more than any other time in recent history². Today, the leaders and workers of those parties speak loudly of establishing an Islamic “Hukumat” (rule). With the political changes of 1975, to silence the democratic spirit and to facilitate military rule, a large segment of the population was pushed towards a system of education that was moribund and that blinded logic and freethinking. The increase in public sector support to Madrasah education year by year leaves no scope for surprise at the increase in the influence of religious fundamentalism. Through the support received from local and foreign organizations, these groups gradually became very powerful. They expanded their range of influence in the social and political spheres of the country despite their stance against the history and traditions of this nation. Following the repatriation of the bloc that had been involved in looting and raping in support of the Pakistanis in 1971, they provided both open and silent support to the Madrasah system.

The Madrasah system is especially encouraged with the covert objective of retaining and cultivating the religious element in politics. This has also entered the arena of higher studies – up until 1995, documented evidence is available regarding the influence of the fundamentalist Chhatra Shibir (the student wing of the Jamaate Islami party) as well as the backing it received at the Kushtia Islamic University. Enormous funds from foreign sources are utilized to allow Shibir to gain a stronghold in this university as well as other universities. The safety and aggressive activities of the members are ensured by creating a strong and effective sphere of influence in the surrounding communities.

The religious political parties have strong branches in the majority of Madrasahs in the country. A significant and active segment of Madrasah teachers support Islamic fundamentalist politics and operate as activists. Students receive direct and indirect encouragement from their teachers to join this type of politics.

According to several national dailies, the majority of the Madrasah teachers in the districts of Rangpur, Nilfamari, Kurigram, Lalamonirhat, Gaibandha are actively involved in cadre-based violent politics of the Jamaate Islami which professes to be working towards a religious revolution. Due to their involvement in these activities, the focus and concentration they provide to their students’ education are only marginal. In some Madrasahs, students are openly and directly instructed in the activities of the Jamaate Islami and the Islami Chhatra Shibir³. An anti-fundamentalism and anti-communal protest meeting was held on October 24 at Rangpur organized by the Shommilito Sangskritik Jote (Combined Cultural Alliance) in protest of the fanatical fundamentalist anti-state and anti-government “education” that was provided in the Darul Ulum Mahmudia Madrasah of the Baro Aulia village in Rangpur. At the meeting, speakers stated that unless the extremist fundamentalist Taleban-like education being promoted in Madrasahs all over the country could be stopped, the very freedom and independence of the nation would be at risk⁴.

Following the arrest of Mufti Ijaharul Huq, the leader of an extremist faction of a fundamentalist group in Chittagong, it was revealed that he was involved with the Harkatul Jihad group. It has also been alleged that he is in communication with the international terrorist network including Osama Bin Laden. It is suspected that Mufti Ijahar provided arms training to young men from Madrasahs. There are also allegations that he embezzled foreign funding intended for Madrasahs. The papers reported that teachers and students were provided with weapons training related to the Harkatul Jihad and the Taleban in the Lalkhan Madrasah of Chittagong⁵. Madrasah teachers of Ukhia, Ramu and Teknaf borders were in contact with the Harkatul Jihad center in Ukhia where the police discovered an enormous cache of weapons⁶.

According to a news report, there are around 7,500 trained cadres of the Harkatul Jihad spread throughout Bangladesh. They operate under the guise of Madrasah teachers or Khadims of mosques. It is believed that they are preparing for a take over of the country.

A large segment of these cadres of the organization has received their arms training in Pakistan. Alongside the Afghan Mujahids, they were provided arms training in the non-government Qawmi Madrasahs in Pakistan. Although these Madrasahs were primarily established to provide religious education, these were turned into militant camps because of the conflicts in Afghanistan and Kashmir. Hundreds of students are still going to Pakistan to study in these Madrasahs for a particular reason; the reason being to receive militancy training in these famed Madrasahs under the guise of receiving higher educational degrees⁷.

The police have ascertained that the Harkatul Jihad was connected to the bomb planted at Kotalipara, Gopaganj, to assassinate the Prime Minister. Although the police have been unable to capture the key player in this incident, Mufti Hannan, the arrest of his four sisters and their husbands has revealed the relationship to the Madrasah based fundamentalist terrorist activities as well as to the Harkatul Jihad. The educational life of Mufti Hannan began at the Gohordanga Madrasah at Tungipara. Later he completed Hafezi from Shorshina Madrasah in Indirhat, Barisal and studied for six/seven years in Deoband, India before returning home. He then went to Pakistan via India, became a Mufti and moved on to Myanmar where he received training in the Martial Arts and bomb making.

A loyal worker of the Harkatul Jihad, Mufti Hannan, in collaboration with his elder brother, Oliuzzaman Nannu established the Ideal Cadet Madrasah in Ghaghor. This Madrasah, located at the homestead of the brother of Kazi Firoz Rashid, a leader of the Jatiya Party, provided military training to its students⁸.

Through the active efforts of these individuals, Harkatul Jihad became a dreaded name to the inhabitants of Gopalganj. It has been reported that Harkatul Jihad has strongholds in 38 Qawmi Madrasahs in the district. The Gohordanga Madrasah acts as the headquarter for these centers. These Madrasahs and orphanages provide military and arms training in the Talebani style. Side by side with teaching the Quran, these Qawmi Madrasahs provide commando training. This fundamentalist terrorist group has initiated operations in many mosques and Madrasahs in different parts of the country. They have developed a wide network of armed cadres throughout the South including in Faridpur, Madaripur, Shariatpur, Magura, Narail, Bagerhat and Khulna⁹. They consider mainstream politics to be their adversary and can go into operation against it anywhere at any time.

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Reference

1.    The Rebirth of Religion Based Politics in Bangladesh, Dr. Syed Anwar Hossain, Weekly Bichitra, November 30, 1984
2.    Ibid
3.    The Daily Janakantha, June 18, 2000, Pg. 15
4.    The Daily Sangbad, October 25, 2000
5.    The Daily Janakantha, September 6, 2000, Pg. 1
6.    The Daily Janakantha, August 30, 2000, Pg. 12
7.    The Daily Janakantha, August 3, 2000, Pg. 1
8.    The Daily Janakantha, July 30, 2000, Pg. 12
9.    The Daily Janakantha, August 9, 2000, Pg. 12

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